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The homeless need our compassion and commitment to act urgently and creatively

The leaves have fallen and begun to disappear. The cold has arrived. And as harsh as that cold will be, it won’t be nearly as harsh as the reality it has brought into sharp relief.

That reality is a simple one: we are failing our sisters and brothers (yes, they are our sisters and brothers and our sons and daughters and our mothers and fathers and nephews and nieces) who are homeless.

What’s more, by our collective neglect, we have allowed this problem to grow into a crisis, or an emergency, or whatever other fancy word you might find to take some of the sting out of what has happened.

But for those who are on our streets or in our emergency shelters, there is only one word that will do: nightmare.

Homelessness should have always been at the top of the public policy list. But, for years, it has consistently been allowed to slip down that list by governments of all stripes and at all levels. Why? Because collectively we didn’t care enough to demand better.

And that was pretty bloody dumb. After all, the data is clear: the single most important determinant of someone’s success in life is a stable roof over their head.

All of life’s prospects — including social, economic and health — for our homeless population are as hopeless as their life on the streets. Life expectancy is half. Mental health challenges are significantly increased. Prospects of entry to the job market are almost non-existent. Connections with family and friends are often frayed to the breaking point.

Now that the number of homeless sits in the tens of thousands, and the issue cannot be avoided by the public eye and has raised our collective consciousness, what are we doing about it?

To her credit, Toronto Mayor Olivia Chow has been on this issue for some time and has made dealing with this nightmare, priority one since day one.

But civil society — that’s all of us — has to do its part.

University Health Network (UHN) is working to do just that.

With a path-making program, UHN is partnering with the United Way and City of Toronto to build a new four-storey building on hospital grounds. (Disclosure: I am a trustee of University Health Network.)

Each with its own bathroom, kitchen, and bed, these apartments will provide a permanent home for people who currently have no where to go. A place that isn’t conceived and operated as a housing initiative or a charitable cause but founded on the importance of health care.

Think of it this way. These places will have two front doors: one to the person’s new home and one to all the resources of our health care system. And that’s the crucial part.

It was after seeing so many homeless people walk out of the hospital and despairingly right back in again that Dr. Andrew Boozary decided there had to be a better way.

With generous support from the Gattuso Institute, Boozary led the development of this program which plans to scale and spread its creative approach to help others tackle our homeless epidemic.

This is as exciting as it is sensible. Medically, it drastically increases the chances of positive health and well being. Socially, it improves not only the lives of those previously homeless but the livability of our communities. And finally, economically, it is far less costly to provide housing for people than have them stay in hospitals.

And so, this holiday season, let’s commit ourselves to two things: First, let’s make an extra effort to respond compassionately to those living among us who are homeless. Second, let’s commit ourselves to addressing this issue with the urgency it deserves. And let’s do so in creative ways which harness all the resources of our community to deal with the structural problems our sisters and brother on the street currently face.

Nothing grand about Grand Old Party’s Speaker standoff

My granny, who was the wisest person I knew, always said that if you lived long enough anything can happen. And happen it did this week when the United States House of Representatives finally elected a new Speaker, Rep. Mike Johnson. But only after the country endured three weeks of rudderless political chaos.

The contrast could not have been more stark. Just when President Joe Biden, sitting at the precipice of history, delivered a rare prime time address from the Oval Office outlining a plan to support allies in Ukraine and Israel, Republicans in congress were busy holding a circular firing squad, forcing the chamber into paralysis. If anyone thinks the new Speaker’s coronation will end the political theatre, they’re sorely mistaken.

Once again, the vindictiveness of Trumpians within the GOP has been laid plain. And, let there be no doubt, the infighting and witch-hunts orchestrated by the former president will only continue as the race for the Republican nomination in 2024 heats up.

What’s more, while Johnson was quick to promise aggressive and urgent action to get the legislative branch moving, it may all be for naught as he faces the daunting task of avoiding a government shutdown in November.

Canadians have become accustomed to these antics south of the border. But this time was something else. This was not just another embarrassing machination. It caused very real concern to those who rely on America’s strength to defend them. And more troublingly — it surely delighted Iran, Russia, China, and North Korea.

While those autocracies fail time and again to inspire each other in unity, America, at its best, can inspire other democracies in unity. But it exists as that beacon for the free world only when it acts like it.

Right now, as the world looks to the U.S. for exactly that, it gets partisan squabbling, name-calling, and gridlock — with the potential for more to come.

Such dysfunction isn’t just disheartening — history shows it’s dangerous. The political disagreements and disunity that bogged Britain and Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain down in the buildup to the Second World War proved to be catastrophic for stemming Nazi Germany’s aggressive incursions into Eastern Europe. And those internal quarrels were far more civilized than those we are seeing today in the U.S.

America not only has to lead its allies in this time of global uncertainty, it also has to work urgently to protect the deep exposure it has in both the Middle East and Ukraine. These duties appeared to count for nothing when compared to personal political ambitions of those who jostled to replace Kevin McCarthy.

As Johnson takes the gavel, he must, of course, work first to avoid a shutdown, which would paralyze their whole political system. But that is literally the first step. More existentially, he must lead the Republican political class in a serious self-examination of its most recent embarrassing and irresponsible episode. Good luck.

The American ideal is built on prioritizing national interest over partisanship. And, more importantly for its allies around the world, an understanding that America’s edge over its adversaries is its potential to unite disparate nations under shared values and mutual interests. But that is only realized if the world sees America’s democracy as functioning and capable.

Once the party of Abraham Lincoln, who preserved the Union and signed the Emancipation Proclamation; Theodore Roosevelt, who championed progressivism and asserted America’s global role; and Dwight D. Eisenhower, who delicately balanced strength with diplomacy during the Cold War; the GOP seems to have irreparably lost its way.

What happens next in American politics may well come to define the future of the global competition between democracy and autocracy. Trump, under whose presidency the U.S. brokered unprecedented diplomatic accords in the Middle East, knows this but continues his harmful puppeteering regardless. As Biden looks to lead through the tumult, his opponent will clearly try anything to scupper him, rather than do what is right. It might be the greatest test for American democracy, and its ability to inspire unity across the free world, we have seen in a generation.

Toronto needs a bold vision to tackle its traffic woes. Who will step up?

Anyone reading this who attempted to drive downtown this weekend will understand why I’m once again writing about traffic.

Our city is in a prolonged congestion nightmare compounded by construction disruptions affecting University Avenue, Queen Street and other major thoroughfares as well as terminally delayed projects, like the Eglinton LRT. This weekend, the pandemonium was exacerbated by more major road closures for the waterfront marathon.

Yet even without special events such as Sunday’s race, our roads are so routinely bogged down the situation has become untenable.

Toronto is the third most congested in North America. Last year, the average driver spent 118 hours stuck in traffic, an increase of 60 per cent from the previous year.

It’s a bleak prospect contemplating what this year’s figures will reveal.

After years of being fed false hope, based on myopia, and misguided faith that there exists a perfect policy, along with convenient promises of easy fixes, all Torontonians have to show for it are failed, reckless investments in paper-bound solutions. And, as traffic has increased, so too have the missed opportunities to clear the intellectual congestion standing in the way of real progress.

What we need is action. We need a real long-term plan to change the way our city moves based on long-term objectives. We need to change the way we use our roads by scrapping our current way of designing commuting networks to create better transit for where people actually go.

But creating that change means decision-makers simply must forget about the short term political price they might pay and get on with actual, real, honest to goodness long-term strategy and planning.

Transit dominated as an issue alongside housing through the mayoral campaign. So, now that Mayor Olivia Chow has settled into her tenure, this is my plea to her and the entire council: use your mandate to effect lasting change on a city that must adapt to survive.

With limited time at council, I understand Chow hasn’t had an opportunity to assemble the grand vision that’s required, but as the daily chaotic congestion reveals — we can’t wait. Too many of us have arrived at appointments late, missed our children’s dance recitals, or had to leave before the last inning, for too long.

Let’s not have any illusions: this will be exceedingly painful. Like an infection left untreated, the problem will worsen before it gets better. It will require precise and decisive intervention that, above all, prioritizes those long-term objectives.

Facing a multi-billion-dollar shortfall, Chow has shown a promising willingness to make tough but farsighted moves. Council voted to cap licenses for ride-hailing vehicles at 52,000 as they examine how the industry impacts local transit and workers.

The freeze will likely face legal challenges from the industry. Both Uber and Lyft have warned it will worsen downtown traffic with more people driving their cars amid more construction and also raised the issues of safety and higher prices.

Despite this, it will put more people back on Toronto’s struggling transit system —complementary to other moves Chow has made to increase service and staffing on the TTC. More importantly, it contributes to a broader, and braver, attempt to transform how our transit works — making it suitable and sustainable for the future.

But we need much, much more. If we are going to go through the pain of turning the city upside down, let’s build it back right.

That will require license to act creatively, dare I say radically. But if it’s done, it would be defining for Chow’s legacy, who will have to work between three levels of government and use all her political experience to fight off critics.

Starting now — we need a plan that shows the mayor is prepared to continue usurping the status quo to build something that not only improves convenience, but creates real civic purpose and pride.

To save our most precious relationship, Canada must start pulling its weight

A boat, all alone, in the middle of the ocean.

That’s how conservative thinker Sean Speer recently characterized Canada’s place in the world in an episode of “The Hub Dialogues” podcast. He’s not wrong. Aligned against us we have Russia, a long-term adversary; China, who views us as a major irritant; and now, of course, India.

And given India is currently the belle of the geopolitical ball, the timing couldn’t be worse as we watch nations — not the least of which are our closest allies — tripping over themselves to request a dance.

Whatever happened to the notion of Canada as the quintessential middle power, characterized by many friends and few enemies?

Good question. Now, many think things for our little raft are about to get worse — so much so, we might just sink.

So, what’s the threat? A Trump victory in 2024, of course. On this front, we shouldn’t have any illusions. Provided Justin Trudeau is still in power, we would have a U.S. president who is not only openly hostile toward our prime minister, but eager, for domestic political reasons, to dive back into his tariff tool box and put Canadian jobs in harm’s way.

The great irony and corresponding pain of this possibility is that it would come at a moment when Canada is more dependent on the U.S. than ever before. Because the truth, in this multi-polar landscape, is that Canada can only move but one way: toward our southern neighbour.

There’s just one problem: our friends no longer have open arms.

For all the sentimental rhetoric that often accompanies them, international friendships, fundamentally, are built on economic and security guarantees — on hard power. And when U.S. policymakers, on either side of their political aisle, look at us they see a country with both of these pockets turned inside out.

Make no mistake, the question of how we turn this position around is of existential importance for our national future. So what can be done?

Back when Trudeau was first elected in 2015, there was a mission in Liberal politics to diversify our trade relationships. There was a genuine, well-founded belief that Canada was too dependent on our relationship with the U.S. Moreover, it was thought the new prime minister’s star appeal on the international stage could be used to forge lucrative relationships.

Fast forward to today and this strategy has manifestly imploded. We’re back at the American doorstep, hat in hand, tail between legs. Ensuring we’re let in and even welcomed as old friends, requires us to do two things.

The first is being clear-eyed about the challenges facing our friendship regardless of who is president. A Biden victory might make things easier but his re-election does not magically guarantee Canadian prosperity. After all, this is the president who, on Day 1 of his presidency, killed the Keystone XL pipeline.

Second, is to understand we need a wholesale reset of the relationship based not in banal slogans of historic friendship but in substantive offerings. Here, there are numerous holes to plug — the most urgent of which is security. To build American trust and respect, we simply must correct the systemic underfunding of our military, not cut $1 billion of the annual National Defence budget as the federal Liberals now plan to do.

Freeloading is simply no longer acceptable. This is for another column but our energy riches actually give us a strong hand to play in selling the U.S. on a North American security and energy-sufficiency partnership.

Camus wrote, “if a man who places hope in the human condition is a fool, then he who gives up hope in the face of circumstance is a coward.” Easy to say. Harder to do. To neither be fools and believe that Americans will never restore Trump, nor cowards and panic if they do.

The path forward, under any circumstances, starts by recognizing our ship is now tied closer to our American allies than ever before, and understanding that the least we can do is to start pulling our weight.

Poilievre’s momentum is a result of strong leadership, not sinister ideology

If you asked those delegates in attendance, last weekend’s Conservative Party convention in Quebec City felt like a unifying — some would say crowning — moment for a party that has often struggled with unity.

Ask some other observers, and the event was a typical right-wing carnival defined by anti-woke vitriol and socially conservative undercurrents.

Much of the opposition and media chatter coming out of the convention has revolved around the resolutions the delegates passed, some touching on controversial matters such as trans issues, leading Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre’s critics to surmise that his “common sense” agenda is really a smokescreen for more sinister right-wing ideologies.

Yet Poilievre’s behaviour and comments at the convention, as well as his response to these motions, paint a different picture. When asked to comment, Poilievre replied he isn’t bound to implement any convention resolutions but merely take them under consideration.

And his rousing leader’s speech revealed far more about his priorities and what messages he thinks will win.

Tellingly, it didn’t mention woke, or trans — not even once.

And why would he? With the CPC enjoying its largest polling lead over the Liberals in a long time, this convention cemented the feeling that Poilievre has built a big tent movement by addressing the cost-of-living crisis middle- and working-class Canadians face everyday.

And if you wonder about the effectiveness of all of this, you need look no further than the reaction of the governing party. A wolf in sheep’s clothing, cried the Liberals. Poilievre’s “common sense” message is nothing more than a warmed-over version of Mike Harris’ “common sense revolution,” they warned.

Really? That’s all they’ve got? A reference to a government led by former premier Mike Harris? A successful, transformative two-term government from almost 30 years ago?

But while Poilievre and Harris differ greatly in many respects, coming out of last weekend I see many similarities, between Poilievre and Harris but not those voiced by the critics.

Just as Harris ousted a government that had grown out of touch with its electorate by promising to cut taxes, make sense of the welfare system and end unfair hiring quotas, so too is Poilievre leading a serious movement by taking a back-to-basics approach. Poilievre’s speech was all about improving lives for all Canadians including newcomers, lowering taxes, food prices, energy, and trade.

This leads to the second, somewhat subtle, similarity I see emerging: Poilievre’s acute sense of how far certain issues can be pushed and when best to push them.

Poilievre’s ability to acknowledge and respect the views of others, but not fully mire himself in the polarizing topics and intolerant debates of the so-called “culture war” is surely a result of his experience seeing other Conservative leaders knocked aside by such issues.

Poilievre is demonstrating an understanding that true leadership means sticking to what matters most to everyday Canadians.

As his speech demonstrated, he is clear-eyed about what that is. And it’s not the messy debates Liberals would love to drag him into. As the reaction and enthusiasm of Conservative members showed, despite the resolutions they overwhelmingly passed, they are just fine with the direction Poilievre is leading the party because for the first time in a long time, they have a real shot at both a majority government and the leader to deliver it.

Down the road, Poilievre will have to define more clearly what he truly believes to be “common sense” on the sticky topics and social issues clearly important to large parts of his base.

Still, for now, all he needs to do is reiterate that his economic plan centred on tackling the housing and affordability crisis towers over the tired policies of this tired government.

Funny, it seems that common sense may just equal electoral success after all.