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For Ontario Voters, Andrea Horwath May Be ‘Just Right’

The fairy tale that best fits this Ontario election: Goldilocks and the Three Bears.

The voters, playing the role of Goldilocks, find the Liberal porridge has grown cold and, for many, Doug Ford’s Conservative bowl a trifle hot. That leaves Andrea Horwath and the NDP an opportunity: to serve porridge that is exactly right temperature for the times.

I wrote in this space a few weeks ago that Horwath might well be the exception to the rule that you never get a second chance to make a good impression.

Despite two previous unsuccessful election campaigns, this time Horwath has done a commendable job of reintroducing herself, of focusing on families and the affordability of everyday life — two things that matter greatly to many voters.

In so doing, she has positioned the NDP as a safe place for those alienated from the Liberals but unsure — or too sure in negative ways — about Ford. That perception was reinforced in the televised leaders’ debates earlier this month, where, at times, she left Ford and Kathleen Wynne flailing at one another as she serenely looked on.

Horwath also stands to benefit from the key policy areas where Liberal and NDP ideology either intersect or align: free child care, the $15 minimum wage and pharmacare are all mainstays of the traditional NDP liturgy now embraced by the Liberals.

Put another way, she will give you benefits of popular Liberal policies without actually having to vote Liberal. And so, with relatively little difference between party platforms, party leadership becomes critical.

And that’s space where Horwath stands to gain ground. Fairly or otherwise, Wynne has endured a reputational drubbing not only during her time in office, but from a laser-focused Ford. The result? Horwath has been left largely unscathed.

Then, there’s the reality that Ford has trust issues of his own with many voters beyond the bastions of rural and 905 ridings. Ontarians have historically been skittish about Tories who veer too far off the centre.

Successful conservative leaders like Mike Harris understood this. He packaged his policies as “common sense,” a successful attempt to soften the public perception of their hard edge.

After veering toward the centre in her last election campaign, Horwath’s return to the ancestral home of the left may also be rewarded. The recent endorsement of Ontario’s powerful elementary school teachers’ union, despite the considerable financial accommodations it received from the Liberal government, is a direct message as much as a broader indicator.

Time also works in Horwath’s favour. Bob Rae’s controversial tenure as Ontario’s only NDP premier — so far — has either faded from public memory or gained enough of a sepia tinge that it is no longer viewed as something to be forever avoided. More than 30 years later, revisionist factions have had sufficient time to reassess his legacy and cast it in a more flattering light.

The similarities to the past are hard to overlook.

In 2018, we have — as when Rae shot to power — an incumbent Liberal party widely perceived as arrogant, expensive and out of touch. We have an untested Tory leader who brings a persona and platform that makes many voters feel uneasy. And, at the same time, provincial voters are expressing a strong desire for change.

But, so too, the deviations from the past are equally hard to overlook.

No matter how valiantly he tried to demonstrate his populist sympathies, Rae was never quite able to overcome the fact he was a privileged child of distinguished diplomats, a Rhodes scholar and an incandescent intellect.

Horwath, by contrast, is a more traditional NDP leader. She has working-class roots in Hamilton. She’s a single mom. She’s cultivated the “I am one of you” persona better this time out. It is also more true of her than Ford who, despite his talk of rejecting elites, certainly is one when expressed in terms of family wealth.

For those tired of the Liberals, but uncertain of or unsupportive of the Ford-led Tories, the leader who seems like a good neighbour offering a “just right” bowl of porridge may be, after all, a very appealing prospect.

Jaime Watt is the executive chairman of Navigator Ltd. and a Conservative strategist.

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Dumping Granic Allen Shows Ford’s Evolution As A Leader

Anyone who believes the adage that “you dance with the one who brung ya,” must be taken aback by the latest developments from Doug Ford’s campaign.

Justifying his decision to bounce Tanya Granic Allen as candidate, Ford declared that “her characterization of certain issues and people has been irresponsible.” Those certain issues” include public-voiced anti-Muslim and anti-gay slurs, something that was already widely documented when he joined hands with her the night he won the Conservative leadership race.

And to be clear, she was not part of any centre stage throng. She was the only other leadership candidate standing in support of Ford.

Kathleen Wynne and her Liberal strategists clearly believed they could embarrass Ford by bringing renewed public attention to Granic Allen’s outrageouscomments. What has become clear, however, is that they have may have underestimated Ford, his political instincts and the remarkable resilience of Ford Nation.

In large measure, Ford’s rejection of Granic Allen’s candidacy in Mississuga Centre demonstrates his evolution as a leader as well as his sturdy grasp of both realpolitik and the back-to-basics Ontario mathematics curriculum he champions over sex education in provincial schools.

The equation is a simple one, as all the best political equations always are. He needed the support – and numbers – of Granic Allen and her social conservative posse to beat rival, Christine Elliott.

But the moment he defeated Elliott, he needed the numbers brought by Elliott and Conservative party moderates, even more than he needed Granic Allen.

That’s why his first step as leader was to make peace with Elliott; dumping Granic Allen is a further step in consolidating that support.

In politics, as in business, the skills and the people that get you to the first point on your itinerary, aren’t necessarily the same ones that can take to your final destination.

Ford’s willingness to do what it takes to win, demonstrates a tough-minded discipline, the ability to move with alacrity and a willingness to execute that positions him in stark – and favourable – contrast to others.

As it happens, parting company with Granic Allen also came with some highly desirable real estate: A generous acreage of moral high ground. Specifically, it allowed Ford to draw attention to the Big Tent that both he (and his late brother) can command. “We are a party comprised of people with diverse views that if expressed responsibly we would respect,” he declared.

That is by no means a hollow claim. Ford has already demonstrated his populist affinity for a Big Tent – he’ll accept support from anyone of any race, religion or ethnicity. But when the outcry over Granic Allen’s controversial remarks threatened to generate enough wind to knock that tent over, he wasn’t going to stand by and let that happen.

Not even for a minute.

In all of this, it’s useful not to lose sight of the fact that Ford’s Big Tent extends to political advisers as well as Ontario voters. Many of those now surrounding and counselling Ford cut their teeth in the early days of Stephen Harper’s rise to power. Harper, much like Ford, was underestimated until the day he was elected prime minister of Canada.

In framing the Harper government, he and his advisers built and sustained power by successfully tacking from the hard-right into the middle to meet the majority of Canadians. It wasn’t quite a bait-and-switch tactic, but it was reflective of the same hard-nosed politics of which Ford is clearly capable.

It’s now abundantly clear that Ford is shrewd enough to understand the importance of such a strategy. With a little help from Harper’s friends, he has positioned himself to use it to his advantage.

He clearly understands the famous adage of the French politician Alexandre Auguste Ledru-Rollin, who said: “There go my people. I must find out where they are going so I can lead them.”

Now that the Ontario election is underway and as campaigning becomes more intense, Ford will continue on the path he has set. The social conservatives who brought him to the ball, will either have to change the way they dance or accept their status as permanent political wallflowers.

Jaime Watt is the executive chairman of Navigator Ltd. and a Conservative strategist.