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Managing Risk Has Gone Mainstream

After years as the near-exclusive purview of analysts, actuaries and auditors, the global financial crisis propelled risk to the top of the broader corporate agenda. Seemingly overnight, every board wanted expert directors, and the language of business became peppered with beta analysis, fiduciary liability, hold-harmless agreements, mitigation strategies and probability.

Risk, of course, is nothing new to companies or their leaders. Neither is the drive to manage it. But the spectrum of risk encountered in the normal course of business—especially in global markets—is more vast than ever. And the global financial crisis shone a particularly bright light into its every nook and cranny.

But for all the attention that risk management has recently attracted, there continues to be a singular gap in the prevailing approaches: the failure to fully integrate communication strategies at the outset.

Whether a company is trying to contend with a dramatic political shift, manage investor expectations, attain social licence or mitigate a data breach, a comprehensive communications plan is imperative. It’s all the more important in the age of social media, when valuable corporate relationships and brands that have been burnished for years are squandered in seconds.

Once compromised, trust and reputation can be extremely difficult to reclaim. Furthermore, in an intensely competitive global marketplace fuelled by information technology, a temporary setback can be instantly transformed into a permanent advantage for rival firms.

Even the most resolute skeptic can quantify the cost of inadequate communication to a company’s bottom line. A collapse of confidence swiftly translates into a dive in share price and an increase in the cost of raising capital. Failure to connect with stakeholders and win social licence to proceed with a project can add millions of dollars to a budget. An unmitigated data breach can mean the enduring loss of business and, in the worst cases, expensive liability.

After more than 15 years in the field of high-stakes communication, Navigator has frequently supported clients on the frontlines of risk mismanagement. Over that time, the need to respond quickly and with assurance has increased exponentially. The cost of striking the wrong note, conveying confusion or failing to respond has also increased significantly.

In the end, the ultimate tools in managing modern risk are surprisingly old-fashioned: be prepared, listen to others, respond and adapt to change, tell your story, communicate your intent. Aggregate all of that in a strategic communications plan.

In this issue of Perspectives, the Navigator team has pulled together some of our current thinking on risk management and the tactics—from research and strategic stakeholder engagement to governance—that help companies take the lead in dealing with the variables and vagaries of daily business.

As always, we hope our views provoke some thought and, even better, some feedback.

Betting on the New West

Managing risk has always been a big part of the oil and gas business. One new strategy? Tapping into the spirit—and ingenuity—that made it great in the first place.

A large sign on the outskirts of Calgary reads ‘Welcome to Calgary, Heart of the New West.’ In the past year, that heart has taken quite a pounding.
In that time, oil prices, political dynasties, employment numbers and a whole lot ofassumptions have crashed in Alberta. If there is one certainty left in this time of uncertainty, it’s that things in the province—and the New West—have fundamentallyand permanently shifted. This isn’t just another post-boom bust.
For the past decade, job growth and economic development among the New West Partners—Alberta, Saskatchewan and British Columbia—seemed limitless. Canadians from across the country were drawn there by strong demand and soaring wages.
A year into the world oil price collapse, however, layoffs are the new normal. And that’s expected to endure as public and private sectors struggle to cut costs, reduce debt and grapple with the inevitable bloat of prolonged prosperity.
But while Alberta and, to a lesser degree, Saskatchewan, are reeling from an abruptreversal of fortunes, British Columbia is still holding its own.
betting-new-west-2
To be fair, B.C. is less reliant on oil and gas revenues. Still, there are other significant differences. First, the province has ensured sustainable growth by collaborating with First Nations, securing their support for a number of new projects. Second, a policy of proactive environmental stewardship has limited some of the variables that can derail mega-project development. It has also helped position B.C. as a socially responsible resource supplier, something that is an increasingly important selling point, internationally.
Another change in the New West is on the political front.
A year ago, Saskatchewan, Alberta and British Columbia were closely aligned politically. The recent election of an NDP government in Alberta has altered that dynamic, adding a new degree of uncertainty to established relations among the three governments.
The future of that New West Partnership is no longer assured, despite the fact that Alberta’s government has moved forward with care. It has not yet presented a budget, defined its environmental approach, nor detailed its energy royalty framework. Arguably, it is the uncertainty created by that vacuum that poses the greatest threat to the Alberta economy and the partnership itself.

“Working strategically with governments on R&D and other initiatives is another way to mitigate and manage related risk.

quotesbox2Will W. Stewart: When I think of Western Canada I think of natural beauty in wide-open spaces, pristine wilderness, boundless economic prosperity, and the future of Canada’s national and international success. Western Canada’s future is all of Canada’s future.

Randi Rahamim: When I think about Western Canada I think about change—vast opportunity, economic shifts, and political volatility. Western Canada is resource rich, and is front of the line in dealing with fluctuating oil prices and environmental progress.

The tough road to renewal for the NDP and Conservatives

Read the full article at: http://www.macleans.ca/politics/ottawa/the-tough-road-to-renewal-for-the-ndp-and-conservatives/

Sixty seconds to debate whether Canada should join the fight in Iraq and Syria against Islamic State. Sixty seconds to make a point about the fairness of income-splitting. Sixty. Seconds.

‘The one-minute rule for caucus debate simply doesn’t allow meaningful discussion of complex issues,’ Conservative MP Mike Lake wrote in the extraordinary letter he sent colleagues as he was making his failed pitch to be interim leader of his party. ‘On many occasions, a lack of a good hearing within caucus led to the frustrated venting outside of caucus. Both scenarios are extremely corrosive.’

Of all the critiques that have emerged about Stephen Harper‘s authoritarian style, Lake’s candid revelation that MPs were limited to political haikus behind the secret, closed doors of caucus is, perhaps, the most devastating.

Of course, all parties come together publicly around policy; that’s understandable. And with almost 160 MPs and 60 senators, there was a genuine need for Harper to impose discipline on the debate, but Lake reveals that this was more than a matter of time efficiency. It was emblematic of what he called a ‘corrosive’ internal culture that finally ate away at Harper’s own team and, ultimately, his hold on power. The Conservatives now face a very tough road to renewal.

The NDP faces similar questions about renewal, and a more complex problem of leadership. This week, senior NDP members quietly met to go over their first post-election report on what went wrong. Will Tom Mulcair get to lead the party into the next election, or should he announce he is stepping down before the April leadership review?

Whatever NDP members say in public about Mulcair—that he ran a campaign of integrity, that he won 16 new seats, that he was the victim of a red surge no one could stop—privately, many say he has to go. He failed to fulfill the two critical pledges he made back in 2012, when he ran to replace Jack Layton. He promised to hold onto the huge Quebec caucus—he reduced it to a paltry 16—and he promised to lead the NDP to government. Instead, he turned 103 seats into 44.

They say all this with genuine sorrow. There is no culture of political fratricide in the NDP, but if its growth from the conscience of Parliament to a governing-ready political organization is to be believed, the NDP will have to come to terms with weaponry all parties sometimes need: the guillotine and the long knife.

An NDP leader has never failed to pass a leadership review. Layton always got more than 90 per cent. Senior party members tell me if Mulcair gets less than 75 per cent, he is doomed. For his part, Mulcair appears determined to stay on. He was in B.C. last week, rallying the troops.

In Rome, when the emperor wanted to kill a respected member of society, he would send an invitation to commit suicide. ‘We are in an era of leadership-driven politics. It is everything,’ said one senior NDP member. ‘Tom failed to be the leader Canadians wanted.’ Talking on background to NDP members, I get the sense the emperor’s letter is in the mail.

Conservatives, meanwhile, are making a costume change. Lake lost the interim leadership to Rona Ambrose, who immediately emerged to a waiting press corps and promised a new, more open Conservative party. She then took three short questions, turned her back and walked away. Ambrose’s new team of MPs was delighted and began enthusiastically chanting her name: ‘Row-na, Row-na!’ Obviously unpractised in these public displays of optimism, the well-meaning Conservatives badly mispronounced Ambrose’s name. It is, to be persnickety, not ‘Row-na,’ but rhymes with ‘Donna.’ Ah well. Maybe this new, off-the-cuff looseness is a sign that the jaw locks are really off. Tomato. Tomawto. They have bigger problems.

The former industry minister, James Moore—who, in the intervening 18 months it takes to find a leader may yet throw his hat in the ring—told me the party’s targeted tax policies and divisive electoral strategies destroyed the idea that the Conservative party had a national vision for all Canadians. ‘I think this breeds cynicism,’ he said.

How deeply the Conservatives decide to change is a question for the new leader, but already the forces of the status quo are out with their data. ‘Our focus-group research would suggest that this was not a dismissal of the Conservative party or its policies,’ says Will Stewart, a principal at Navigator. ‘Rather, it was a dismissal of Harper. There is still considerable support for traditional Conservative policy positions and the party itself. This is not a rebuilding of the Conservative party; it is a retooling.’

Stewart argues that while Conservatives ought to forget old fights such as same-sex marriage and abortion, they have to reject radical policy shifts. Better to stick to the political hamburger recipe: lower taxes, balanced budgets and tax credits. ‘This race is about a change in tone,’ he says.

Maybe tone. Maybe substance. Either way, it’s going to take a lot longer than 60 seconds to figure out their next move.