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When considering Colin Powell’s legacy we should look not to his mistakes, but to his very public regret about the Iraq War

This summer, the world watched, sick to its collective stomach, as the United States carried out its final withdrawal of troops from Kabul.

Setting aside both the strategic merits and logistical blunders of the withdrawal, those final visions of chaos and terror served as a stark reminder of all the progress that had been gained and lost over 20 years in Afghanistan.

It was a difficult lesson in regret. A humbling reminder of all that had changed since that fateful day in September two decades ago when thousands of Americans were murdered, and the very axis of the world seemed to tilt.

For all the deeply felt emotions stirred up by the footage from Afghanistan, there was also a sense of confusion. So many questioned how so much ground had been ceded in a matter of days. Many more wondered how on earth the United States, the greatest military force in the history of the world, had failed in its duty to those who had supported its mission. It was a pile-on by those who knew better, those who coulda, woulda, shoulda done things differently.

In those days, it was very easy to deride the Biden administration for what seemed a colossal failure. Just about everyone did — their ranks including many who had orchestrated the war to begin with, or who had supported former president Donald Trump’s disastrous 2020 treaty with the Taliban.

Notably, their ranks did not include the late General Colin Powell. In fact, the former secretary of state and chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff cut the administration some slack. Powell told the Washington Post: “I’d say we’ve done all we can do … What are those troops being told they’re there for? It’s time to bring it to an end.”

Going further and with remarkable candour, Powell argued the Soviets had left Afghanistan in the same manner, ultimately with limited impact on their global standing. “They got tired, and they marched out and back home. How long did anybody remember that?”

General Powell’s remarks were surprising at first, especially given the outsize role he played in launching the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. But with his passing this week at the age of 84, I was reminded of his remarks precisely because they were not out of character, but rather part of a larger pattern of candid and public regret.

When people think of Colin Powell’s legacy, there is no doubt that the same visual comes to mind for most of them: the image of a passionate statesman making a compelling case to the UN Security Council, supporting the invasion of Iraq. But for me, the visual that comes to mind is very different. It is of General Powell sitting for an interview with Barbara Walters, and it is that visual that provides a lesson for our time.

It was in that 2005 interview on ABC News that Powell admitted his deep regret at having misconstrued the evidence — regarding WMD and Taliban ties — to support (and sell) the invasion of Iraq. Instead of passing the buck, Powell owned up to his mistake, admitting that he had got it wrong.

That kind of admission, just a few years after the event, is exceedingly rare if not extinct in political life today. Nowadays, public figures are given almost no leeway for forgiveness. It has become the norm to assume that when a political leader screws up, it was intentional; that there is some kind of malfeasance at play. We have forgotten that we are governed by human beings, who like all of us, sometimes simply make mistakes.

That’s what makes Powell’s example a powerful one. He had justified not invading Iraq under one Bush administration and had then done the opposite for a second. By 2005, he had seen enough to know how wrong he was. Rather than retreat quietly into private life, Powell chose to speak up. To share his regrets as a caution to those who followed.

In doing so, he staked his reputation for the sake of the future. And that, above all, makes him worthy of commendation.

Our society has made space for hate, rather than empathy. We will all pay the price

Yup, that was me. They guy in the big black car casually blocking southbound traffic on the Allen Expressway last Sunday evening at about 9:30 p.m. The guy who was such a jerk and so inconsiderate that he simply refused to move his car out of a live traffic lane and on to the shoulder. The privileged, entitled guy who just purposely sat 75 metres from Eglinton as traffic backed up for kilometres behind. Just sat there doing — oh, let’s make the story good for the telling — Sudoku puzzles.

Or, put another way, that’s the guy who the people yelling, swearing and honking must have thought I was. As they contorted their faces into replicas of Halloween masks, I observed they wore not masks of anger or annoyance, but of hatred. Absolute hatred.

And in that moment, on that highway, I realized just how profoundly wrong things had gone when it comes to how we treat one another. What I experienced that night was, in every way, the quieting of the coal mine canary’s song.

But, of course, it didn’t have to be — and, in fact, there was a time when it wasn’t. I wonder what it would have taken to have those people consider what really happened.

After a long drive home from a glorious outdoor, physically distanced Thanksgiving dinner with my extended family for the first time in almost two years, we were stopped in the inevitable queue that forms to turn left off the Allen Expressway and onto Eglinton Avenue West. Suddenly, my car put itself into park and turned off the engine. Because it was in park, it was impossible to move it off the road. I immediately called roadside assistance, who advised us to stay in the car and wait for help to arrive.

In short, we had acted entirely reasonably in an unfortunate situation. But that didn’t matter. Just as it doesn’t seem to matter that low-wage workers, abused when checking vaccine passports, are simply doing their job in unusual times. Just as it doesn’t seem to matter that second- or third-generation Canadians (also subject to increased verbal and physical abuse) have every right to the same freedoms and liberties as the rest of us. Or that our politicians — regardless of their stripes — are for the most part respectable individuals, and certainly in no way deserving of the kinds of harm that they face these days.

All these phenomena point to a culture that seems to have forgotten the importance of civil courtesy. That refuses to give strangers the benefit of the doubt or to practice empathy in those quotidian interactions that ultimately make up a lifetime.

This sad reality was on full display throughout our election campaign, as protestors hurled rocks at the prime minister and accused other candidates of the most ludicrous things imaginable. And just this week, it came to its inevitable nadir with the horrific murder of British MP Sir David Amess, slain while visiting with his constituents.

Amess, a Conservative, is the second British politician to be murdered in five years — the last being Labour MP Jo Cox. It sadly proves the point that this is no partisan issue; no political party is immune from the vitriol, or to its impact.

But enough is enough, and the time has come to turn back this pandemic of hate one empathic undertaking at a time. And in doing so, to take back personal responsibility for putting a stop to it all.

So, as I sat there on the Allen last weekend, taking in the gallery of grotesques issuing abuse from their cars — not one of whom offered any help to me at all — I didn’t so much feel sorry for myself that my motives had been so incredibly impugned. Rather, I felt for all the Canadians who have entered public life as candidates, volunteers or in other roles devoted to participation in our society, only to face an increasingly hostile and malignant civil society.

And then, my thoughts went to all of those who will never enter public life, for fear of being targeted, taunted or harassed. What an absolute waste.

Justin Trudeau must stop apologizing and learn to work with the Parliament he has

Enough is enough. After six years in office, the pattern has become painfully familiar.

First, the prime minister makes a decision so blatantly problematic that the term hubris does not begin to do it justice.

After some initial acrobatics from the PMO (in this case, claiming on his official itinerary that he was in Ottawa), Team Trudeau begins to push back and defend its fearless leader.

Then, evidence. The photos emerge, the flight path is discovered, the receipts are procured.

What follows is a few days’ pause, followed by the ritual Canadians have come to know and despise: the histrionic apology delivered from a well-lit podium. It is rehearsed. It is hard to watch. And it leaves us questioning the prime minister’s sincerity.

Lynne Groulx, chief executive of the Native Women’s Association of Canada, so perfectly spoke for all Canadians when she said after the latest apology, “We recognize that this moment of contrition comes after much public pressure, not necessarily because you have suddenly seen the light.”

Indeed, the prime minister has surely not seen the light. After a long, problematic history that began with the Aga Khan incident and begat three violations of the Ethics Act, Justin Trudeau has been given plenty of opportunity for learning. All of it squandered.

We often hear about the “death of shame,” the notion that our society has transformed such that shamelessness has skyrocketed to become the order of the day. That phenomenon is no doubt very real — look no further than Donald Trump. But with our own prime minister, the most concerning dynamic is the extent to which these wounds are self-inflicted. Avoidable. Sloppy.

It is not so much that Trudeau is willing to squirm through public shaming and endure a slap on the wrist from Mario Dion. The more disturbing thing is that he seems not to realize — or not to care — that his clearly unacceptable behaviour will be called out as such. Again, the man demonstrates hubris of mythic proportions.

Take the prime minister’s latest debacle. It was his own government’s decision to establish this National Day for Truth & Reconciliation on Sept. 30. After a year of painful reckoning with the unfinished work of Indigenous reconciliation, how could he not realize that all eyes would be on him that day? How could he not see the offence inherent in a vacation just hours from the haunted site of a residential school burial site?

It is hard to believe he did not realize this decision would end in deeply hurt feelings and an apology. Much more likely, it seems to me, is the tragic reality that he simply did not care.

After six years of apologies, Justin Trudeau knows he is only as accountable as he decides to be. And after having fought what increasingly appears to be his final election as Liberal leader, perhaps he has decided that his personal life, his own peace of mind, comes before the Trudeau brand.

If that is the case, it’s his voters who will ultimately be disappointed. This electorate did not give Trudeau a majority but rather a command to return to Parliament and work with opposition parties.

For years, the prime minister has threatened to call an election when he doesn’t get what he wants. With that card removed from Trudeau, it will take humility for him to return to the table, speak to his counterparts and deliver for our country. If this debacle is any indication, he may not have it in him.

But to me, the greatest tragedy is all the opportunity that has been wasted. For learning, for reconciliation, for meaningful amends to be made.

In my own world, last Thursday I was lucky enough to join an Indigenous friend — a teacher and mentor to many — for a quiet commemoration of that important morning. It was humbling and in so many ways, I learned so very much.

I only wish the prime minister could have made time for some humility of his own.

At a moment when all politics are green, Canada’s Greens have driven themselves to the brink of irrelevance

After less than one year leading the Green Party of Canada, Annamie Paul has fallen on her sword. Her departure is the culmination of months of turmoil and backbiting by the party, at a time when it already faces the threat of extinction.

While as of Friday Paul’s resignation is technically still pending, her speech this week made it clear she can no longer lead a party whose members have attacked her, challenged her and undercut her at every turn.

Who can blame her?

Since last year, Paul’s leadership has been menaced by a party apparatus entirely unwilling to support her. Now, after betting everything on a seat in Toronto Centre and placing fourth, it is hard to see how Paul could remain as a legitimate leader.

While I’m only an observer, from my vantage point, the fault lies more with the party than with the leader.

And remember, it did not need to be this way.

When Annamie Paul first came on the scene, she injected some vigour into a party increasingly lacking in purpose. As a seriously credentialed, relatively moderate and compelling woman leader, Paul brought a vibrancy that was sorely lacking from Canadian politics. She spoke frankly about the challenges of being the first Black woman and first Jewish woman to lead a federal party.

What’s more, she seemed to understand that the party needed to change to overcome its turmoil at the time.

The resignation of Elizabeth May in 2019 meant the familiar, friendly face of Green politics in Canada would no longer insulate the party from the creeping doubts of voters. It also meant there was no figurehead to keep the party’s worst divisions under wraps.

A vacuum of power, it seems, did not help things. Far from it: when Annamie Paul took the reins, infighting among members, MPs and party officials seemed rampant. Although really, that was nothing new — the Greens in Canada are a notoriously large tent, and the party is defined by an aversion to orthodoxy.

Fine, intraparty squabbles are no big deal. But for this infighting to overshadow what should have been the honeymoon period for their new leader, something had gone very wrong. And at a time when Canadians care more than ever about climate action, the Greens slowly lost their seat at the table for a new era in our politics. They may never reclaim it.

The reason for that sorry assessment is that a unique paradox has defined the rise of Canada’s Greens. For years, the Green party had to fight for serious mention of climate change and environmental policies to be included in political discourse. In those days, very few mainstream politicians discussed climate change, and even fewer raised serious solutions to address it.

So the Greens got to work. Under successive leaders, the party attempted to convince Canadians that climate change was not just a fundamental issue — it was in fact the fundamental issue. And at the same time, they worked to make themselves more palatable and electable.

The problem is, as Canadians grew more comfortable with climate action and green policies, these things became table stakes for every political party. Along the way, the Greens successfully fought their way toward irrelevance. That is the challenge the party faces today.

At the same time, we must remember that the reason green policies are commonplace today is because climate action is wildly popular with Canadian voters. The question is whether the Greens can meaningfully tap into that sentiment. In recent elections, they have failed.

Now, with Paul stepping down, the party’s worst demons seemed poised to consume it. And based on her personal experience, there are far more insidious currents — of racism, anti-Semitism and more — in the party that must be addressed head on.

Annamie Paul was never given a chance to succeed. But on that day in October 2020 when she took the stage for the first time, she appeared to have the stuff to lead her party out of the political wilderness. On reflection, her tenure has driven the Greens deeper into the woods.

After what the party has done to her — so publicly and viciously — there may now be no turning back.

An election ‘about nothing’? Far from it — the last six weeks fundamentally changed the political dynamic and our expectations

The dust is quickly settling on an acrimonious and confusing election campaign. And with post-mortems well underway, parliamentarians find themselves returning to a House of Commons that, at first glance, looks much like it did at dissolution.

Throughout the country, there is a pervasive sense that this was the election that nobody wanted, that it was a waste of time. It has been dubbed the “Seinfeld election” so many times as to be tiresome.

But this was not an election about nothing. Far from it.

Sure, the seat count has barely changed. However, the last six weeks have dramatically changed the political dynamic in this country, and fundamentally changed the expectations Canadians have of their new government.

Intentionally, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has been permitted an extension to operate on a restricted mandate, with the clear expectation that he will now focus on delivering for voters in a way that is concrete and personal.

If the 2015 election was about the “Liberals’ grand plan,” the 2021 was all about the “personal” plan.

Since voting day, our firm has listened to Canadians across the country to better understand this political climate.

We’ve gone directly to voters, but not to ask how they voted — we obviously know that. Rather, we have sought to understand their expectations of the new government. Their answers speak volumes about where we are headed.

In short, COVID has not only changed all of our lives — it has changed the voter relationship with government.

Many who voted Liberal felt the government had done a good job of protecting them when they couldn’t protect themselves. Many took advantage of government programmes for the first time in years, or even generations.

And, consequently, they now look to big government with more favour than they have for many years.

So expect to see the Liberals make Job #1 a focus on social policies and investments that have a measurable impact on people and their daily lives.

Watch for the Liberals to move quickly on their child-care pledge, along with their plan to impose a tax on banks and insurance companies. Watch also for them to tie the use of the proceeds of that tax to a new housing affordability program.

The unanswered question, of course, is whether these two plans — which neatly align with the interests of a broad swath of the electorate — are enough to renew excitement about Trudeau’s leadership.

Which in turn leads to the question of the leadership of the Conservative Party of Canada.

Leader Erin O’Toole is already under attack, a result of what even he has admitted was a disappointing result. These critics have leapt to the tired old argument that his centrist shift was a tactical error. They are incorrect.

Our research shows that at a time of heightened uncertainty, Canadians went with what they knew. Far from an error, O’Toole’s campaign laid the groundwork for the Conservatives to serve as an effective Opposition — and more importantly, to fight an agile, competitive campaign in the next election.

It takes years to build a political brand, and O’Toole’s gains in Atlantic Canada show that progress is being made.

What’s more, the supposed People’s Party surge did not translate to a single seat in the Commons. And without the pandemic as a crutch, it is hard to see leader Maxime Bernier doing any better in the next election.

Another leadership race would scupper that success. The last thing Canadians want to see is another contentious political circus.

Rather, if the Conservatives want to win, they should do what they’ve been told: go back to Ottawa and get back to work.

I hope the party will use this period to meet Canadians’ expectations in opposition, hold government to account, clearly present viable conservative policy alternatives for the issues that matter most to Canadians, and show themselves to be a government-in-waiting.

And Erin O’Toole is best positioned to do just that.

If he can stay the course and continue his project of introducing Canadians to a modern and bold conservatism, the Liberals will find themselves in serious trouble. And when the moment comes, it will be O’Toole’s for the taking.