Category: Chairman’s Desk – Navigator | When You Can't Afford to Lose®

Carney signals a welcome new approach to governing. It’s about accountability

Posted on June 2, 2025 by

When Mark Carney assumed the Prime Minister’s Office, the question on everyone’s lips was: can he translate his international business gravitas into public sector functionality? We’re beginning to get an answer. And it’s not just a refreshing new start — on some levels, it’s a complete gear shift.

The Carney government is clearly intent on breaking from the past, starting with cabinet governance.

First, the mandate letter. Singular. Not plural. In a move as symbolic as it is strategic, Carney issued a single, codified mandate letter to his entire cabinet.

The idea? Set a unified direction for government, lay out the core national priorities, and then let ministers shape their own portfolios within that strategic frame.

This is a marked departure from previous governments, where ministers were handed laundry lists of pet initiatives and siloed priorities. Carney’s approach signals something different: clarity over clutter, flexibility over prescription. It’s an invitation to lead — and a test of who can.

It’s not about decentralization or ambiguity. Quite the opposite. It’s about accountability. Because while ministers have space to define their paths, they are also expected to measure and report on their progress. This will force ministers to define success before they claim it and opens the door for a genuine performance culture in Ottawa.

That’s where the second big change comes in: data. Each cabinet minister has been tasked with building a set of key metrics for progress to be tracked and reported against.

Policy, meet performance. The move brings private sector discipline into government, without pretending the two are the same.

I’m not for a minute suggesting the federal government can, or should, be run like a business. It’s not. The incentives, the stakeholders, the accountability mechanisms, are all different. But there is value in being more businesslike. In prioritizing efficiency and ROI, remembering every dollar comes from a citizen, not a shareholder.

And there’s the rub: governments can’t walk away from unprofitable markets. They’re on the hook for providing for seniors, delivering affordable housing, ensuring food security, and supporting rural communities — regardless of ROI. So, while discipline is welcome, it must be paired with public-minded patience. Success won’t just be margin-based; it’ll also be measured in trust.

Carney knows this. And he’s surrounding himself with people who know it, too.

Yet one of the most important staffing decisions he will make in these early days isn’t in cabinet, but in the corner office next to his: the Prime Minister’s Chief of Staff.

Carney is new to electoral politics. That means he needs more than a taskmaster. He needs a unicorn. A seasoned operator with political chops, business fluency, and diplomatic sensitivity.

Someone who can connect the boldness of Carney’s vision with government’s machinery and personalities. Someone who can push, pull, and rally ministers and their staff to align and deliver.

This appointment will be a tell: is Carney willing to share power in the service of execution? Or will he try to do it all himself? The latter is simply unsustainable.

And then there’s the civil service. To the extent possible, we need public servants back in the office. Canadian government employees still lag in returning to physical workplaces, and this needs to be rectified if the government is to maximize professionalism and productivity as part of its bold agenda.

Treasury Board policy requires core federal public servants to work on-site at least three days per week. But compliance is lacking. For instance, in December 2024, the Department of National Defence reported a national compliance rate of just 31 per cent.

This isn’t about nostalgia or control. It’s about performance, culture, and cohesion — these all suffer when people are disconnected.

Even the private sector, with all its flexibility, is calling its people back to HQ. Government is no exception. If anything, the stakes are higher.

None of this will guarantee success. But it does mark a serious effort to rewire the habits of a government that has become too lackadaisical.

The best governments don’t just have vision. They have operating systems that allow that vision to take root.

Carney, it appears, is building one. Now comes the hard part: delivering.

Self-inflicted mistakes drain a government’s credibility. The Liberals just made two

Posted on May 20, 2025May 20, 2025 by

When the boss promotes you, trusts you with a new, important file, it’s a good idea to stay on message. Reinforce the mandate. Show people why you deserved the nod.

Those are the dictates of received wisdom.

But then there is the inconvenience of reality.

Earlier this week, Gregor Robertson, the newly minted Housing Minister, told reporters he didn’t believe housing prices should go down. Not to be outdone, Steven Guilbeault explained to Western Canada that the country doesn’t need more pipelines right now. Both, predictably, drew media attention and public ire.

But the real and enduring problem for Prime Minister Mark Carney is not just that these statements directly contradict promises he made on the campaign trail — to bring down home prices and build greater energy infrastructure. Nor is it that, in this case, the political “rookie mistake” card is unplayable. Robertson was Mayor of Vancouver for a decade. Guilbeault is a cabinet veteran, and no stranger to statements that inflame Western Canada and its energy sector.

There’s a classic axiom in politics: most failures aren’t assassinations — they’re suicides.

And the weeks and months that follow an election are when governments are most prone to scoring on their own net. These are the kind of self-inflicted mistakes that drain a government’s credibility. The kind that comes back to bite you the next time voters head to the polls.

But crucially, these missteps almost always stem from the same source: a fundamental misreading of why you were elected — and what voters expected you to deliver.

It’s a strange and dangerous irony of politics that just when your mandate should be at its sharpest — fresh off a campaign — the temptation to misinterpret it is at its peak. The tunnel vision of the election clears and suddenly ministers begin seeing their new roles not as extensions of the public will, but as blank canvases for their personal agendas.

It is the leader’s job — above all — to arrest that drift. To enforce clarity. To instill message discipline. And to continually remind every member of their cabinet and caucus why they’re sitting on the government side of the House of Commons — and not wandering in the political wilderness.

In this election, Canadian voters were exceptionally clear on what they wanted: Mark Carney to take on Donald Trump. A decisive turn from the Trudeau years. Real answers on productivity, competitiveness, and growth.

For the new Prime Minister, the assignment couldn’t be clearer — or less forgiving. Because Canadian voters have left no margin for error. This is a relatively thin mandate. And to preserve it, Carney must not only stick to the plan — but communicate an unrelenting focus on delivering it.

So, here’s the bottom line. The biggest risk to Carney isn’t the opposition benches — it’s the risk of losing the plot. It’s misunderstanding the very assignment he was elected to complete. Of forgetting, too soon, what voters actually asked for.

A lot of commentators have described the challenge of this government as a balancing act. But that’s the wrong metaphor — because it’s the wrong message.

For Carney, this is no time for finesse. Voters didn’t ask for acrobatics — they asked for action.

That’s the test in the short term and that’s the test that will define him the next time Canadians cast their votes.

What the three federal parties must do next to succeed

Posted on May 5, 2025 by

“The past is a nice place to visit. You just wouldn’t want to live there.”

In the wake of a gruelling campaign, the problem is, too many political parties unpack their bags and take up residence.

My advice? Keep the trip as short as possible.

The real challenge for political parties isn’t figuring out what went right or wrong. That part’s easy. What’s hard is summoning the discipline to move on from the over-analysis, post-mortems, and endless internal score-settling.

Because if there is one thing that should be clear to all parties it’s that they are not going to find answers for the road ahead by staring in the rearview mirror.

With that in mind, let’s examine three federal parties: where they find themselves now, and what they must do next to succeed.

The NDP: Down, but not out

I don’t think there’s even room left on the bandwagon to be critical of their performance in this election. So, I won’t hop on. But I will say this: those who think a two-horse race between the Liberals and Conservatives will become a permanent fixture are dead wrong. Three essential points.

First, all it takes is one election to turn it around.

In 2015, Justin Trudeau took the federal Liberals from third place and just 36 seats to a commanding majority. Provincially, Bob Rae steered the Ontario NDP from the wilderness to a majority in 1990, and Rachel Notley took Alberta’s NDP from just four seats to a majority government, also in 2015.

Yes, rebuilding after defeat takes time. But it needn’t take a generation.

Second, Canadians are used to multi-party choice. The NDP brand has deep and durable roots. They’ve come back before. They can do it again.

Third, with a strong new leader, everything can change. After his national performance in response to the Trump tariff crisis, Manitoba NDP Premier Wab Kinew looks like the perfect fit for the federal leadership role. Charismatic. Pragmatic. Principled. He could be the all-star the party is waiting for.

The Conservatives: Where’s the ceiling?

My belief in a possible NDP resurgence perfectly defines the problem for the Conservative party.

While the media spotlight is fixated on Pierre Poilievre’s leadership, the real story, the Conservative’s path to victory, has gone overlooked.

To their credit, the Conservatives made impressive gains this cycle by pulling in working-class voters — many disaffected former NDP supporters. That’s a big win — and a sign of momentum.

But if the NDP rebounds — as history suggests they will — the path to a Conservative government narrows dramatically. It hurts the Liberals, yes. But it hurts the Conservatives too, because they don’t have the option of governing with the NDP in a coalition or confidence agreement.

In other words: the ceiling gets lower, fast.

So where do they go? They can’t pivot further right. There are simply no more votes there.

They can’t easily reclaim the centre either, as Carney has commandeered many of their policy positions on fiscal and energy matters.

While this is a dilemma with no perfect answer, the fact remains this new Liberal government is shaky. Its mandate is thin. Its challenges are massive. Translation: the Conservatives will have every opportunity to pounce on a government that has a short leash with Canadians. They need not redefine who they are but only add nuance to their policy pledges to allow more voters to see them as a viable option to govern in these challenging times.

The Liberals: Power on a tightrope

If you thought the Conservatives had a steep climb, look at the terrain ahead for Prime Minister Mark Carney. He’s inherited an enormous policy to-do list — without the majority to make it happen efficiently.

And while his focus must be on Trump, he can’t fully confront the American threat until he delivers at home. Only by advancing his domestic agenda — on trade, growth, and productivity — can Canada begin to rebalance the power dynamic with Washington.

Two of the biggest political mountains Carney must now scale: First, interprovincial trade. He’s promised to dismantle internal trade barriers by Canada Day.

There’s a reason no one has succeeded before. It will require national unity, real sacrifice, and backroom political skill. Provinces will need to compromise, and Carney will need to orchestrate it all flawlessly.

Second, Alberta separatism. It’s rearing its head again — at the worst possible time. Carney must move swiftly to address the legitimate grievances of Western Canadians. But he also needs to confront Premier Danielle Smith directly, and decisively.

Raised in Edmonton, Carney has the personal credibility to make that case. But he must do so with clarity, empathy, and unwavering resolve.

No party has emerged from this election with a clear and easy path forward. This country will need courage, focus, and creativity more than ever.

Let’s hope every party — whether in government or opposition — is ready to deliver.

What Mark Carney needs to do at home before facing Trump in Washington

Posted on May 1, 2025May 1, 2025 by

It doesn’t matter your political persuasion. Tuesday morning, Canada did not get the headline it very much needed.

That headline would have trumpeted an expression of firm resolve and electoral clarity. It would have been supported by the usual language of triumph: “decisive victory,” “clear mandate,” “stable majority.”

Pick your phrase. But almost anything would have been better than what we got.

A country divided. A mandate diluted. A political leash far too short at a moment we need full stride.

Of course, the people have spoken and there’s no arguing with that. But now Prime Minister Mark Carney must make do with it — and transform it into something bolder and more workable than it appears.

Because what matters, first, is how that headline is interpreted by one man: Donald Trump.

At first glance, it might seem easy to overstate the importance of majority rule when facing the orange menace to the south.

Sure, it matters to Carney’s ability to govern and the stability of his rule.

But to Trump? A man who probably doesn’t know the difference between the House of Commons and House of Cards — is he really going to parse the nuances of a Westminster minority?

Of course not.

But here’s the difference he does understand: strength vs. weakness.

Trump not only knows something about that — that’s all he really cares about. And more importantly, he knows how to skilfully exploit weakness. And that means Carney must fight like hell to wash off its scent — and do it fast.

In an ideal world, before he sits across the table from Trump to negotiate on behalf of our sovereignty and prosperity, he needs to negotiate a deal here at home — to ensure he shows up with a united front and a functioning government.

Why? You don’t enter a heavyweight title match with your gloves half-laced.

Given the signals the two will meet as early as next week, there won’t be time for that, which only means that Carney will need every bit of his own negotiating skills to get what he needs from that meeting.

And, of course, it’s not just about foreign policy. Carney’s ambitious domestic agenda — on housing, energy, trade, productivity — depends on more than bold vision. It requires a functioning Parliament. Without one, the whole platform is just a pamphlet.

That’s why the next step demands ruthless political calculation.

The good news? He has options.

The bad news? None are easy.

But he has to try.

Let’s take a look — ranked from most effective to least feasible.

1. Convince NDP MPs to cross the floor

It’s unlikely, I’m told. In the style of a last stand, those who remain are true believers.

But politics is full of improbable deals. And the pitch to NDP MPs is simple and could be effective:

Door one — sit against the curtains in lonely opposition, stripped of official party status, wielding marginal leverage in a hostile House.

Door two — cross the floor, join the government, and be rewarded. Committee posts. Cabinet slots. A starring role in a moment of national challenge. Sacrifice the purity of ideology for country.

2. Offer the NDP official party status in exchange for a supply-and-confidence agreement

Not a majority. Not forever.

But a workable governing arrangement to shore up confidence and provide political cover.

3. Name a non-Liberal speaker

In short, a Liberal speaker reduces the government’s voting bloc to 168, meaning Carney would need support from four opposition MPs to pass legislation. But if the speaker comes from outside Liberal ranks, the government holds 169 votes — needing only three.

4. Build pragmatic, issue-by-issue alliances

Unstable, complex, and far from ideal — but sometimes, political longevity is about buying time. Carney may need to pursue legislative wins through tactical co-operation with the Bloc, independents, or dissenting voices in other parties.

He must also be ruthlessly pragmatic with Western MPs of all affiliations — recognizing that many will pose the fiercest opposition to elements of his agenda. On files with potential cross-partisan appeal, he’ll need to think less like a partisan and more like a dealmaker by looking at the individual interests of MPs.

A minority government isn’t just unstable — it’s dangerous in the current climate.

Trump reads weakness like a headline and sees it as an invitation.

This isn’t politics as usual. It’s power politics.

And Canada not only requires strength — it must project it.

Now.

Canada’s new government must act with a speed unseen before — like history demands it

Posted on April 22, 2025April 22, 2025 by

It’s the morning after election night and it is the tale of two profoundly different worlds.

For one, no day more glorious. Power. A flurry of transition memos. Endless congratulatory phone calls.

For the other, the brutal reckoning that there are no more possibilities. Just the sting of public rejection. And a search for that resume, which all of a sudden needs updating.

But both, understandably, start off the day a little slowly.

That’s the tradition. But this time, in the face of the existential threats to our sovereignty and prosperity, that morning after needs to look different.

Because while wild celebrations, pity parties and resultant hangovers might not be going anywhere, Canada — and its next government — needs to rise from this campaign with a sense of alacrity and unrelenting focus: to get to work with a speed and sense of mission hitherto unseen in Canadian history.

Because here’s the reality.

We have not had a functioning Parliament — and therefore no effective federal government — for nearly half a year. Not a single piece of federal legislation has passed since December 2024.

All this set against an existential crisis when we could have — I’d argue needed — strong, decisive legislative responses. Instead, we’ve been fighting with one arm tied behind our backs.

Now, of course, this election is meant to fix that. That’s why, in my last column, I argued that I hope whoever wins this election does so with a strong mandate.

But a strong mandate isn’t enough.

What’s needed now — above all else — is speed. A generational commitment to act swiftly and decisively.

That urgency must show up not only in rhetoric but in structure. And it starts with what’s missing from both major parties at the time of writing: fully costed platforms. That omission isn’t just an insult to voters — it’s a squandered opportunity. Without clearly priced promises, parties forfeit the ability to claim the public’s endorsement of their agenda. Worse still, they lose the chance to pre-empt future opposition by turning their platform into a de facto social contract.

But with the campaign nearly over that window has closed. So let’s focus on what comes next.

If the winning party truly intends to move at a historic pace, it must break from the slow choreography of transition. There’s no time for excessive consultations, performative appointments, or weeks of bureaucratic turf wars. Instead, it must arrive with a mission-ready transition team — not just loyalists, but tested implementers with real track records — prepared to execute from day one.

Next, cabinet ministers need to be empowered to lead. In the traditional model, new ministers are handed sprawling portfolios and told to “consult widely.” That luxury is obsolete.

The next government must identify a small set of nation-shaping priorities and immediately authorize their implementation — whether that means fast-tracking procurement, tearing down regulatory barriers, or launching targeted investment programmes. Finally, Canadians must be told the truth: this will hurt. Building economic resilience, weaning ourselves off U.S. dependence, modernizing supply chains — none of it is free. The next government must be prepared to level with Canadians. Not through spin, but through honesty: that bold action may mean immediate discomfort, but the alternative is long-term decline.

Now, what gives me hope is that there appears to be near-universal agreement on what must get done:

• Radically diversifying trade.

• Abolishing interprovincial trade barriers.

• Fixing productivity.

• Modernizing supply chains.

• Building true economic resilience.

What gives me grave concern, though, is the illusion that these transformations will be swift or painless. That the political obstacles will simply melt away.

During a campaign, leaders point to their platforms as if all that’s required is victory on election night and the rest will follow. As the saying goes: the devil can cite scripture for his purpose.

In practice, the real work begins after the balloons fall.

We’d be fools to think that one election alone can unroot the dense thicket of special interests, vested bureaucracies, red tape and systemic inertia that have held our country back — and left us uniquely vulnerable to the whims of a resurgent Trump.

What we need, the morning after, is not just clarity. We need resolve.

Because one of the most dangerous things about Trump — and all authoritarians of his ilk — is not just their actions but their illusion of effectiveness. The image of cutting through, getting it done. It’s for them, of course, theatre.

What Canada now requires is the real thing: Substance. Competence. Urgency.

Time was never on our side in this fight. It certainly isn’t now. And it won’t be the morning of April 29. Let’s hope the winning party recognizes that.

And moves, at last, like history demands it.