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Canada’s political leaders must overcome international and internal strife

Those of us who had hoped for a more placid year ahead are likely to be disappointed.

If anything, Canada’s closest allies are facing even more difficult and uncertain times than had been predicted.

Brexit, which by any measure was a monumental task, has grown more complicated and troublesome in recent weeks. Whilst once it seemed that Theresa May’s Conservatives could safely steer the United Kingdom out of the European Union with the support of a united government, that seems a stretch today.

May faces defections and resignations from her own caucus and cabinet on an almost daily basis. The opposition seems unlikely to provide her government cover, and allies in other parties are dropping like flies. No-deal on Brexit seems increasingly likely, as does an election — one that could see Jeremy Corbyn, the radical and divisive leader of the Labour Party, elected Prime Minister.

Stability in the United Kingdom is as hard to see as a polar bear in a blizzard.

The United States is in little better condition. President Trump has battled the media and critics since the beginning of his presidency. When the Democrats took control of the House of Representatives in the midterm elections, it signalled a whole new phase in the country’s internecine conflict.

It seems inevitable that Nancy Pelosi will take the speaker’s gavel. Under her leadership, the Democrats will formalize the opposition to Trump in a way that hasn’t been possible for two years. The democrats will wield subpoena power, chair committee investigations and erect roadblocks that will frustrate, if not freeze, Trump’s agenda.

The next two years of U.S. politics will largely be an acrimonious battle between branches of government, hindering their ability to move important government initiatives forward in a meaningful way.

This sustained period of international unrest presents challenges for Canada — particularly now that there is an increasing lack of ideological alignment between our provincial and federal governments.

The Trudeau Liberals have ushered in a number of policies that are cheered by progressives but jeered by conservatives. The challenge, much as in the U.S., is that opposition and partisanship are becoming far more entrenched. Right wing parties have been elected across the country in the last two years, and their leaders have made little secret of their distaste for policies originating from Ottawa.

The relationship, in particular, between Queen’s Park and the federal government has been strained and Doug Ford is joined by a host of premiers who seem to have little interest in idly accepting the policies the federal government is intent on implementing. These differences are real, differences based in policy disagreements fundamental to each government’s outlook.

That said, there are areas of cooperation that governments of all stripes and colours can find. What’s more, it is critical they do so to ensure the continued stability of Canada’s economy.

In that regard, there have been glimmers of hope in the apparent appetite for finding areas for collaboration.

Premiers have begun working proactively with one another to eliminate trade barriers between provinces. These barriers have been invisible anchors on the Canadian economy, stifling access, innovation and competition.

Perhaps just as importantly, an olive branch was extended when Ford indicated that he would be happy to work with the prime minister if the goal was to create jobs. There are other policy opportunities for the premiers and the PM to find alignment in and mutual benefit from — not the least of which is ensuring Alberta’s oil can find its way to market.

The Ontario government mentioned its commitment to helping solve Alberta’s heavy crude problem in its Fall Economic Statement, and the PM this week reiterated that the status quo cannot continue. After all, the Canadian economy is losing an estimated $80 million a day.

The Alberta question is approaching a boiling point. It is against this backdrop of international instability and internal strife that the federal government has requested a first ministers’ meeting next month.

All involved in this meeting would be well served to recognize the opportunity before them. With their eye on the international horizon, Canadians are watching that their governments deliver more than a lump of coal in their stockings.

Jaime Watt is the executive chairman of Navigator Ltd. and a Conservative strategist. He is a freelance contributor for the Star. Follow him on Twitter: @jaimewatt

Olympic bid failure another sign voters reject elites’ big projects

It was never all that clear whether or not Calgarians would approve of the city’s bid for the Olympics in 2026.

Polling predictions were mixed. A few years of slumping oil prices had taken their toll on a formerly Olympic proud town.

Though opponents of the bid successfully convinced the provincial government to force a plebiscite that would ask city residents for their approval, the wind was not exactly at their back.

Proponents put together a highly organized and well-funded effort to support it, arguing that it was a chance to showcase Calgary on the world stage and bring Canadians together in a burst of national pride.

Most community leaders and many councillors strongly supported the bid, advocating publicly in favour.

Yet, despite their best efforts, Olympic-boosters were never really able to get a whole hearted, full throated endorsement from the mayor. Although Mayor Naheed Nenshi came on board about a week before voting day, he never brought his legendary campaign skills to the fight.

And, so, when the votes came in, the opinions of those city leaders proved not to match those of Calgarians.

Residents voted no. It was likely the right decision — everyone knows that the Olympics, often promoted as a city- and nation-building exercise, are little more than an overpriced circus that almost always leaves its host cities burdened with debt for generations and infrastructure that not only goes unused but falls into disrepair as well.

Yet another example, in a litany of examples, of Canadian voters going against the wishes of elites.

Doug Ford’s election was much in the same vein. Though pundits and Ontario’s elites were aghast at the thought of Ford winning government, he did win — and handily.

Ford’s approach, and his down-to-earth manner of speaking were seen by some as not fitting of a premier.

But he was relentlessly focused not on grandiose policies but on the issues that matter to voters. Some may roll their eyes at buck-a-beer pricing, or at cutting the gas tax, but they’re issues that are tangible to voters.

Similar campaigns have found success across the country — Quebec, New Brunswick, and most likely Alberta before too long, are opting for the things that affect them, not big-thinking policies that feel remote and pinch their wallets.

That is going to continue to define Canadian politics for the next while.

Our leaders — civic, business and political — continue to be obsessed with big-picture ideas, and nation-building policies. Climate change battles. Transforming our electoral systems. Being an international leader on refugees.

All are ideas that have been pushed in recent years by those leaders. All are ideas that are celebrated as important exercises in building Canada, both here at home and as an international brand.

Many of these ideas appeal to me. Like many, I have committed much of my life to making Canada a better place; to projects that help foster social cohesion.

But the evidence suggests big-picture thinking, which the elites continue to put on offer, is not what Canadians want to buy.

Our society has turned inwards. Self-care is no longer just a buzzword — it’s a way of living. Our social circles are smaller. Our thoughts unchallenged by ideological opponents. Our lives organized to avoid unwanted interaction.

This isolation means that many Canadians are feeling more self-interested than ever.

Let me give you an example. Polling overwhelmingly shows that Canadians believe in climate change, and that something must be done.

But polling also shows that the “something” had better not affect them. If it costs them money that they would otherwise use to pay their bills or lengthens their commute and keeps them away from their families, for instance, that support quickly evaporates.

For today’s political leaders it does seem to be a new world; a world where it has been repeatedly shown that the focus needs to be on the little guy and not on big ideas.

For better or for worse, it is an adjustment that any successful political leader will need to come to terms with.

Jaime Watt is the executive chairman of Navigator Ltd. and a Conservative strategist. He is a freelance contributor for the Star. Follow him on Twitter: @jaimewatt