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Constant campaigning leaves no time for governing

A political landscape that is in permanent election mode is almost comically ill-suited for thoughtful policy implementation. As a result, large, difficult, and challenging projects fall by the wayside.

If you were flipping through the pages of your newspaper or the channels of your television last week and didn’t know any better, it might well have felt like the 2016 U.S. election was still underway, as the bickering between Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump continued unabated.

Last Tuesday, a full eight months after Donald Trump’s historic presidential victory, former Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton said that if it were not for WikiLeaks and the FBI, she would have been the 45th president of the United States.

While she did take responsibility for her loss, she proceeded to furnish comprehensive scapegoats that supposedly caused the loss, citing misogyny, Russian interference and questionable decisions by the FBI. The intent was obvious, and not particularly flattering on Clinton: to cast doubt on the legitimacy of Trump’s victory.

And, of course, unable to help himself, now-President Trump responded with a series of late-night tweets. At 10:51 p.m. he offered that FBI director James Comey was the best thing that ever happened to Clinton, and that the Russia story was just an excuse the Democrats were using to account for their election loss.

As Yogi Berra famously said, “It’s déjà vu all over again.”

But as embarrassing as the Clinton and Trump media battle continues to be, it is merely the first round of Election 2020.

Just this week, former vice-president Joe Biden visited New Hampshire, a crucial battleground state in presidential elections.

Cue thousands of speculative articles and electronic media reports prognosticating on the 2020 Democratic contenders and on Trump’s electoral chances, with commentary bereft of any meaningful or substantive discussion even as the 45th president continues to hammer home new policies that have enormous affect for all Americans.

This should not come as a surprise. It has been observed for quite some time that we are living in an age of the perpetual election campaign.

But that doesn’t make it any less of a distressing situation. A situation that only encourages our politicians to play to the theatre of public life rather than to the difficult and challenging work of implementing thoughtful and meaningful policy. If governing politicians are in constant campaign mode, how will they possibly find the time to govern?

An analogy with the corporate world illustrates this point.

In business, nothing fuels more drama than the reporting of quarterly results. Executives who are lauded for their genius strategic approach one quarter, are panned three months later when a downturn or setback strikes.

The intense short-term scrutiny leads to short-term moves, activist shareholder foolishness, and other shortcuts aimed at bumping up the price of a stock. This ever-increasing pressure distracts leaders from a company’s long-term health.

Political parties and their leaders face the same stresses as corporations. But instead of quarterly results, the goals are poll numbers and fundraising dollars. Replace short-term business moves with short-term policy decisions, activist shareholders with angry and dissatisfied citizens, and other shortcuts with corruption and mismanagement.

But importantly, instead of a company’s long-term health being at stake, it is the well-being of an entire country.

Difficult problems require comprehensive and complex solutions. A political landscape that is in permanent election mode is almost comically ill-suited for thoughtful policy implementation. As a result, large, difficult, and challenging projects fall by the wayside.

The beneficiaries of permanent election mode are political parties, their candidates and the media. Parties receive increased funding and resources, aspiring candidates receive disproportional recognition, and struggling media companies that thrive on horse-race journalism have ready-made content.

The permanent campaign has arrived in Canadian politics, too. The government and opposition parties are now always preparing for an election. Increased political advertising between election campaigns, fuelled by the constant fundraising machine, is just one proof point.

The effect: ideology has been left to die. Rather than maintaining traditional party stances and long-term beliefs, parties and candidates quickly flip-flop, with a constant eye on public opinion polling.

As well, policy debates are muted. Political columnist Susan Delacourt has observed eloquently in this newspaper that the goals of campaigns are less about persuasion than about mobilization of the support and funds the parties have collected between elections.

These days, it has become commonplace for another election campaign to begin as soon as one ends. What’s unusual at the moment is the feeling that the last one hasn’t ended yet.

Jaime Watt is the executive chairman of Navigator Ltd. and a Conservative strategist.

Minister Sajjan’s “Architect” Controversy

“I think the hyperbole… the attack on his character, the attack on his service… is wildly out of touch with what has occurred.” – Erin O’Toole

This week, Navigator Senior Consultant, Colin MacDonald, discusses the controversy surrounding Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan’s comments that he was “the architect” of Operation Medusa.

Hacks Vs. Wonks: The Great Divide

Machiavelli tells us in The Prince there are three classes of intellects: “One which comprehends by itself; another which appreciates what others comprehend; and a third which neither comprehends by itself nor by the showing of others; the first is the most excellent, the second is good, the third is useless.”

For many watching the Conservative leadership race, it is perhaps too easy to divide candidates into these categories: those who are charismatic personalities running without substance and those who are brilliant thinkers running without any understanding of the base. The more pessimistic will even open up Machiavelli’s third category for those who lack both.

This is where the great divide becomes apparent between hacks and wonks. For hacks in this race, you edge out the competition by sticking to your polling data and securing the most memberships for victory. For wonks, taking the time to make your case and demonstrate you have a fresh, measured approach to reboot the party will mean not just seizing the day, but securing a legacy.

So who wins? Is it that black and white?

The Eternal Contest

For those unfamiliar with these terms, in the political world, a “hack” is someone hands-on, interested in strategizing and deploying tactics like a military general on a campaign. They enjoy a good fight, unafraid of getting down in the mud with their opponents and battling hand-to-hand. They like style, have tact, and pride themselves on serving the proverbial kool-aid to mobilize their base of supporters.

A “wonk” is someone who is more cerebral, interested in good ideas and evidence-based policy. They are intellectuals in their own right, well-versed in the principles of ideology. They believe the survival and advancement of the movement is their sole charge and prerogative. They pride themselves on being trusted advisors, believing a long-term vision will ultimately win out over ad hoc tactics.

And for as long as anyone can remember, these two archetypes have set themselves to the purpose of forever mistrusting the other. Think Kissinger and Brzezinski. Anne-Marie Slaughter and Hillary Clinton. Roland Paris and Gerald Butts.

A Study in Scarlet

This is why Andrew Coyne’s piece in The Walrus misses the mark on how to save the Conservative Party. Coyne mourns the perceived death of conservatism under the Harper government — the caving to boutique tax credits and corporate bailouts. According to him, these policies deviated from the traditional conservative ideology espoused by grassroots Conservative Party members, such as small government and flat tax cuts. .

However, running on an intellectual platform that defends a return to classic liberalism doesn’t resonate with the average voter. If you are seeking to activate all of the enlightened small-c conservative out there (hint: they are few), you are going after a fairly niche market.

This is not to critique the tenets of classical liberalism. In fact, they should be revived, but not in an ivory tower. What is fundamentally missing in the piece and what Andrew Coyne will never understand is that you cannot divorce intellectualism from political reality without political cost. Just ask Michael Chong.

At the same time, personality without substance does not conquer the day. For decades, Kathleen Wynne and her Liberal government have pursued strategies at the behest of highly vocal interest groups that involve short-term fixes and policy announcements made on the fly. With the Premier’s popularity at an all-time low, in 2018, the electorate is poised to do what they do best in a democracy: reward those with good ideas and punish those without.

Similarly, those who think that the leadership of the Conservative Party and the country can be achieved at the hands of a few good strategists will quickly learn that the demands of leadership and governance require vision and informed decision-making. Winning a few battles against your opponents does not score you points in the war for hearts and minds.

What is certain is that the conflict between hacks and wonks inevitably leads to weakness in any political party. A party that isn’t good at selling its ideas is no better off than a party with nothing to sell. When you pit hacks against wonks, everyone loses.

A Marriage of True Minds

Conversely, if your organization can build an environment where hacks and wonks can co-exist and even thrive, you become a formidable force — whether that’s the business, political, or social world in which you operate.

But how does one get the Montagues and Capulets of the modern age to see eye to eye? How do you engineer a marriage of true minds?

First off, both must be empowered to provide their valuable insights and direction into the leadership of your organization. Make sure both archetypes have a voice at your table and in your war room. Learn to mesh those ideas and strategies to help achieve your ultimate goals, whether that’s campaign victories, business expansion, or fundraising targets.

Second, facilitate cross-pollination of expertise. Help your wonks understand how and why strategy and tactics can be important to helping them get their ideas to the table and into practice. Mentor your hacks into seeing the bigger picture and understand how evidence-based, well-crafted ideas can help their organization succeed.

Third, encourage mutual respect. Readers may well roll their eyes at this seemingly mundane idea, but you’d be surprised how often wonks and hacks will shut the door on each other unless someone is there to keep the doors wide open. Give your wonks and hacks opportunities to openly prove their value to your organization, earn the respect of their colleagues, and great working relationships will follow.

At the end of the day, you will no longer have hacks and wonks. You will have a formidable team of what Machiavelli would only describe as true virtuosos.

Ivey Business School and Navigator Launch Corporate Reputation Management Program

TORONTO – (May 4, 2017) – The Ivey Business School at Western University, and Navigator, Canada’s leading high-stakes communications firm, are pleased to announce a groundbreaking executive development partnership that will bring together Canada’s prominent business academics and communication experts in a proprietary reputation risk management and recovery program for senior executives.

“We are very excited about the power of the partnership with Navigator,” said Mark Healy, Ivey’s Executive Director of Executive Education.

“Managing reputation risk is now a core competency for any business leader. This program will prepare executives in a manner that goes beyond the classroom and puts our executives on the front lines of managing risk in a real-time, immersive setting with Canada’s leading experts in communication and reputation risk,” Healy added.

Reputation risk has a material impact on a company’s performance and position in its industry. The Ivey-Navigator program uses simulations and case studies to prepare executives with the strategies and tactics to plan, respond and recover from any situation that could adversely affect their company’s reputation. Participants will be instructed by a team of professors, business leaders and communications experts.

“In 20 years of working with Canada’s top corporations and CEOs, we have never seen as many business leaders and board directors identifying reputation risk as a leading business challenge,” said Jaime Watt, executive chairman of Navigator. “Our partnership with Ivey—the first program of its kind in Canada—will bring together experts and academics to provide an intensive readiness and assessment program to manage reputation risk.”

The program features practical exercises in which participants engage in the planning, response and recovery during a situation where reputation is threatened. Participants will work through simulations and case studies from a variety of stakeholder perspectives. This program equips participants to manage reputation-defining moments in order to build trust with the stakeholders that matter most.

“An organization’s reputation can be thrust unexpectedly into the spotlight by a rogue employee, a Freudian slip of the tongue, bad leadership, a major organizational shift or challenging business results. This program provides a ground-breaking approach to preparing executives for those major moments when their organization’s reputation is on the line,” said Gerard Seijts, professor of organizational behaviour and executive director of the Ian O. Ihnatowycz Institute for Leadership at Ivey.

Starting in fall 2017, Ivey and Navigator will provide a five-day comprehensive risk management program for business leaders delivered at the St. Andrew’s Club and Conference Centre in Toronto.

For more information: https://www.ivey.uwo.ca/executive/our-programs/corporate-reputation-management/

Mark Healy
Ivey Business School
416-797-9666

Darryl Konynenbelt
Navigator Ltd.
647-203-4340

About Navigator

Navigator is Canada’s leading high-stakes public strategy firm retained by clients when they can’t afford to lose. Navigator was created by public affairs and government relations practitioners who recognized a market need for an organization that truly understood how to develop a winning, overarching plan, bringing together research, planning, stakeholder outreach, communications and government relations tactics. Navigator has grown to become a diverse firm with consultants from a variety of backgrounds including journalism, public opinion research, politics, marketing and law.

Navigator serves clients from offices in Toronto, Montreal, Edmonton, Calgary, Regina, Ottawa and London, UK.

About the Ivey Business School, Western University

The Ivey Business School (www.ivey.ca) at Western University is Canada’s leading provider of relevant, innovative and comprehensive business education. Drawing on extensive research and business experience, Ivey faculty provides the best classroom experience, equipping graduates with the skills and capabilities they need to tackle the leadership challenges in today’s complex business world. Ivey offers world-renowned undergraduate and graduate degree programs as well as Executive Development at campuses in London (Ontario), Toronto and Hong Kong.

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For more information, please contact:

Navigator
647-203-4340
dkonynenbelt@navltd.com

Ivey
416-797-9666
mhealy@ivey.ca