Often in romantic comedies there’s a moment where the protagonist realizes, “he’s just not that into you.” For Canada, that moment has arrived with President-elect Donald Trump.
Trump’s recent public comments and Truth Social post deriding us as the 51st state and referring to our Prime Minister as a governor, said the quiet part out loud. Adding insult to injury is Trump ally Elon Musk referring to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau as an “insufferable tool.” Trump isn’t just uninterested — he harbors a deep, visceral dislike, and disrespect for both the Prime Minister and his government — Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland chief among them.
Our relationship with the United States is vital but is defined by a very unbalanced power dynamic. While no Prime Minister can or ever should admit this outright, the United States could crush us if they wanted to. It’s awkward — not unlike when one partner in a couple makes far more money than the other and everyone knows it, but no one wants to talk about it.
But Trump has proven time and again that he can do away with that conventional awkwardness and has no issue boasting and saying things most decent people would find to be in bad taste.
All of which is to say that while Trump’s jokes about Canada being a state may not need to be taken literally, he and his rhetoric ought to be taken seriously.
Trump’s posts are most significant not for the current Prime Minister but for the next one. So, the more important question is not what Trudeau can do, but what must Pierre Poilievre do to win over the soon-to-be president?
First: Appoint a Charmer-in-Chief. An agreeable relationship between Poilievre and Trump’s administration is not guaranteed simply because they are perceived to sit on the same side of the political spectrum. This was made clear when Vice-President-elect JD Vance, despite his ties to Canadian conservatives, dismissed Poilievre as “Mitt Romney with a French accent.” Strange (and ignorant) as Poilievre doesn’t have a French accent nor does he have much in common with the multimillionaire former venture capitalist Romney.
Nonetheless, Trump is famously unpredictable and often bases his alliances on personal dynamics rather than policy alignment. And this susceptibility to charm brings hope. It was no accident that Trudeau brought longtime ally and Public Safety Minister Dominic LeBlanc — not the foreign affairs minister or deputy prime minister — to his meetings with Trump. LeBlanc exemplifies the affable, backslapping persona that is far more likely to resonate with Trump. Poilievre would be wise to adopt this approach by appointing a similarly personable and charismatic figure to liaise with the Trump administration.
Second: Appeal to Trump’s obsession with size. Trump’s fascination with size, grandeur, and superlatives is well-documented and extends to his approach to governing. For Trump, everything must be “the biggest” or “greatest ever.” While truth often takes a back seat to perception, this framing can serve as a strategic advantage for Poilievre. For instance, take the fentanyl crisis — a major issue for Trump. By tackling fentanyl with ambitious rhetoric, Poilievre can position efforts to stop the flow of the deadly drug as the boldest and most transformative initiatives ever undertaken by Canada. Framing policies in this way not only aligns with Trump’s narrative style but also creates opportunities for collaboration, with both leaders presenting themselves as champions of monumental change — a win-win.
Third: Emphasize a “common sense” agenda. Poilievre has an opportunity to reset Canada’s image on the world stage, moving away from the caricature of the current Prime Minister more interested in colourful socks and costumes than serious matters. Perception matters, especially with Trump. By projecting himself as a no-nonsense, brass-tacks leader focused on outcomes, Poilievre can appeal to Trump’s own preference for business-oriented governance. Feminism, rights for marginalized groups, or social welfare, frankly, are not things Trump has a lot of time for and Poilievre must emphasize his focus on the economy and his “common sense” agenda, in his dealings with the incoming president.
It will be challenging, but perhaps a new protagonist will have better luck dealing with the diva in what is not a romantic comedy, but the very harsh reality our country faces.
